A 999-year colonial lease, reopened in 2024 by the Supreme Court itself. A legislative override struck down in 2014. And two states whose cases, examined honestly, are both stronger than the other side's caricature of them.
Both research files behind this page were built as "steelmanning" exercises: presenting each state's strongest actual arguments, attributed to whoever is making them, rather than a strawman. The goal isn't to declare a winner. It's to show why this has stayed unresolved for 140 years.
The 1886 lease reads like an ordinary English-style property lease: rent, a fixed term, an arbitration clause between "Lessor" and "Lessee." The Supreme Court itself confirmed this reading in 2006, calling it an "ordinary," "wholly non-political" agreement. That implies the standard structure: Kerala, as Travancore's successor, keeps underlying title; Tamil Nadu, as Madras's successor, holds a time-bound leasehold interest.
But it isn't fully settled. The Court's 2024 decision to try Tamil Nadu's Original Suit No. 4 of 2014 reopened the more basic question of whether the Union of India, not Tamil Nadu, is the true successor, since the original lessee was a Crown/central authority, not the Madras Presidency government specifically. One argument that doesn't hold up on inspection is adverse possession. Tamil Nadu's possession of the dam has always been permissive and rent-paying, the opposite of the "hostile" possession that doctrine requires. Tamil Nadu's real footing is contractual right plus Kerala's own 1970 re-signing, which the 2006 Court treated as a fresh ratification.
A related jurisdictional question the 2006 judgment addressed directly: Article 363 of the Constitution bars courts from hearing disputes over certain pre-Constitution political treaties signed by princely rulers, precisely so former rulers couldn't re-litigate the terms of their integration into India. Kerala argued this should bar the Court from even hearing challenges to the 1886 lease. The Court rejected that reading, holding that Article 363 was never meant to cover "ordinary agreements such as lease agreements, agreements for use of land and water, construction works," the same "wholly non-political" characterization the lease gets throughout this page.
Kerala's own counter-argument for retained sovereignty rests less on constitutional doctrine and more on continuous conduct. The leased land has been under Kerala forest and wildlife law without interruption since 1899, first as a royal reserve, later the Periyar Wildlife Sanctuary and Tiger Reserve, and it's precisely because of that ongoing jurisdiction that Tamil Nadu has repeatedly had to seek Kerala's forest-department permission for routine maintenance work, including the November 2021 tree-felling episode above. A state that had genuinely relinquished all interest in the land, Kerala's argument goes, would have no such ongoing regulatory leverage to assert.
For comparison, Kerala owns and Tamil Nadu operates another dam under nearly the same arrangement: Parambikulam, agreed the same year (1970) as Mullaperiyar's Supplemental Agreement, so this isn't a one-off. Most other Indian interstate river infrastructure (Bhakra-Beas, Tungabhadra) instead uses a joint statutory board, which may be part of why Mullaperiyar specifically has proven so hard to resolve administratively.
"The 1886 lease survived independence and reorganisation as a matter of law, not our say-so. The Supreme Court has confirmed it twice. The 2014 judgment grounded this directly in statute: Section 177 of the Government of India Act, 1935 substituted Madras (and so Tamil Nadu, as its successor) as lessee, and Section 7(1)(b) of the Indian Independence Act, 1947, which lapses political treaties between the Crown and princely rulers, simply doesn't apply, because this was never a political treaty to begin with. Every court-appointed technical body that has examined the dam, the 2001 Expert Committee, the 2010–12 Empowered Committee chaired by a former Chief Justice of India, the ongoing Supervisory Committee, has found it safe. Kerala's 2006 Act was Kerala trying to legislatively overrule a judgment it had just lost, and the Court called that out in exactly those terms."
The masonry-dam longevity comparisons are real, but they don't establish that Mullaperiyar's specific documented deterioration, the 2011 underwater survey, the lime leaching Tamil Nadu itself acknowledges, is equivalent to those better-maintained structures' actual condition. No Tamil Nadu statement located in this research substantively rebuts the CSMRS or IIT Roorkee findings on their technical merits, as opposed to characterizing Kerala's concern as political theater.
"'Repeatedly certified safe' leaves out a parallel record of warnings. Our own Centre for Earth Science Studies found in 1979 the dam wouldn't survive a magnitude-6+ earthquake. IIT Roorkee found in 2009 it could be damaged by a 6.5 even at the lower 136 ft level. The independent R.N. Iyengar Committee found the dam becomes structurally weak at high water levels even without any earthquake at all. A 2011 underwater survey, ordered by the same Empowered Committee that later cleared the dam, found deterioration in all 34 sections examined. The Supreme Court's own 2021 order found the dam's basic instrumentation plan still unresolved, seven years after the 2014 clearance. 'Certified safe' and 'currently, verifiably safe with modern monitoring' are not the same claim."
Kerala's own 2006 Act, attempting to override a Supreme Court finding by unilateral legislation, is a real, unflattering data point for Tamil Nadu's "Kerala changes the deal" argument that Kerala hasn't fully answered on the "should it have" question. But Kerala did have a legal theory for it, not just political will: the Act was framed as a valid exercise of the state's Entry 17 (State List) competence over water and its basic police-power duty to protect its own residents, on the argument that the entire Periyar catchment sits inside Kerala, making this arguably an intra-state safety matter, not a genuine inter-state river dispute at all. The Court rejected that framing in 2014, but Kerala's own defense of the Act deserves to be stated, not just its defeat. And the widely-circulated "35 lakh deaths" figure has no credible technical basis (see If It Breaks). Using it undermines Kerala's better-evidenced population-at-risk arguments by association.
Tamil Nadu documents a real safety clearance record more convincingly than it rebuts the specific deterioration findings against it. Kerala documents real unresolved uncertainty more convincingly than it proves the dam is currently unsafe. Neither side has produced a comprehensive, independently-modeled dam-break economic and casualty study to settle the question either way.
Buried in the 2014 judgment is a third option neither state is currently discussing: a second tunnel at roughly 50 feet elevation (below the existing 106.5 ft intake), first raised by Prof. C.P. Roy, then chairman of the Mullaperiyar Samara Samithi, the same Idukki activist group usually associated with the "decommission it" position, and studied for the Empowered Committee by its technical members Dr. C.D. Thatte and D.K. Mehta. The idea was to enable faster emergency drawdown and access reservoir water currently unusable below the existing tunnel's intake level. The Court itself suggested it could function "as good as decommissioning the dam" without cutting Tamil Nadu's supply.
Over a decade later, no technical feasibility study, cost estimate, or formal state position on this proposal has ever been produced. Its only quantified cost claim is the judgment's own qualitative line that it would be "meagre compared to building a new dam." No rupee figure exists anywhere in the public record. It has simply fallen out of the political conversation, replaced by the current binary fight: Kerala's new-dam demand vs. Tamil Nadu's push to 152 ft.
142 ft remains the legally operative ceiling. A new Supervisory Committee (Feb 2025) is the primary oversight body. Original Suit No. 4 of 2014, reopening the 1886 lease's basic validity, remains pending, still at the document-production stage as of the most recent reporting found. The Save Kerala Brigade's decommissioning petition remains pending. Both state governments, under entirely new leadership since mid-2026, remain publicly at odds with no resolution in sight.